Suchergebnisse

This research note seeks to expose how the 2020 Coronavirus pandemic has impacted the Indigenous Peoples of Malaysia. For this, it analyzes how the economic, social and political rights of the different indigenous peoples of the country have been affected. Particular attention is paid to the relationships between indigenous peoples and extractive companies during confinement and de-confinement, and previous experiences of epidemics caused by environmental degradation that have uniquely affected some indigenous peoples in Malaysia are collected. Preliminary findings show that the pandemic, far from having been an opportunity to exercise their autonomy, has seriously affected their present and future rights. ; Esta nota de investigación busca exponer cómo la pandemia de Coronavirus de 2020 ha afectado a los Pueblos Indígenas de Malasia. Para ello se analiza cómo se han visto afectados los derechos económicos, sociales y políticos de los diferentes pueblos indígenas del país. Se presta especial atención a las relaciones entre pueblos indígenas y empresas extractivas durante el confinamiento y el des-confinamiento y se recogen experiencias previas de epidemias causadas por la degradación ambiental que han afectado singularmente a algunos pueblos indígenas de Malasia. Los hallazgos preliminares muestran que la pandemia, lejos de haber sido una oportunidad para el ejercicio de su autonomía ha supuesto una grave para sus derechos presentes y futuros.

El porcentaje de mujeres en los parlamentos en los países de Asia-Pacífico es de los más bajos del planeta. Sin embargo, varios de estos países cuentan con una larga tradición de mujeres jefas de gobierno. Las principales causas que normalmente se atribuyen a la ausencia de mujeres en las esferas políticas son la existencia de sistemas electorales de tipo plurality y las resistencias a la adopción de cuotas. Esto último se ve afectado a su vez por determinadas actitudes políticas hacia la participación de la mujer en la vida pública y hacia determinadas concepciones de autoridad, presentes en los países de Asia. Estos elementos pueden afectar a la participación de las mujeres en política en general y a la participación de las mujeres en los puestos de toma de decisión en particular. Este estudio comparado analiza a través de un análisis estadístico el impacto de factores institucionales - propios del sistema electoral y del régimen político- socioeconómicos y de la posición de la mujer en diferentes Estados de Asia Pacífico, sobre la participación de las mujeres en la vida pública estos países. ; The percentage of women in Asia Pacific parliaments is the lowest in the world. Several of these countries, however, have a long tradition of women heads of government. Usually lower levels of woman presence in the political spheres are attributed to the existence of plurality type electoral systems and a resistance to adopt quotas. The latter in turn is affected by certain political attitudes towards the participation of women in public life and to certain conceptions of authority, present in Asian countries. These elements can affect the participation of women in politics in general and the participation of women in decision making positions in particular. In this comparative study uses a statistical analysis to measure the impact of institutional factors – such as the electoral system and the political regimen – socioeconomic factors and the position of women on the participation of women in public life the Asia Pacific region.

El porcentaje de mujeres en los parlamentos en los países de Asia-Pacífico es de los más bajos del planeta. Sin embargo, varios de estos países cuentan con una larga tradición de mujeres jefas de gobierno. Las principales causas que normalmente se atribuyen a la ausencia de mujeres en las esferas políticas son la existencia de sistemas electorales de tipo plurality y las resistencias a la adopción de cuotas. Esto último se ve afectado a su vez por determinadas actitudes políticas hacia la participación de la mujer en la vida pública y hacia determinadas concepciones de autoridad, presentes en los países de Asia. Estos elementos pueden afectar a la participación de las mujeres en política en general y a la participación de las mujeres en los puestos de toma de decisión en particular. Este estudio comparado analiza a través de un análisis estadístico el impacto de factores institucionales - propios del sistema electoral y del régimen político- socioeconómicos y de la posición de la mujer en diferentes Estados de Asia Pacífico, sobre la participación de las mujeres en la vida pública estos países. ; The percentage of women in Asia Pacific parliaments is the lowest in the world. Several of these countries, however, have a long tradition of women heads of government. Usually lower levels of woman presence in the political spheres are attributed to the existence of plurality type electoral systems and a resistance to adopt quotas. The latter in turn is affected by certain political attitudes towards the participation of women in public life and to certain conceptions of authority, present in Asian countries. These elements can affect the participation of women in politics in general and the participation of women in decision making positions in particular. In this comparative study uses a statistical analysis to measure the impact of institutional factors – such as the electoral system and the political regimen – socioeconomic factors and the position of women on the participation of women in public life the Asia Pacific region.

El porcentaje de mujeres en los parlamentos en los países de Asia-Pacífico es de los más bajos del planeta. Sin embargo, varios de estos países cuentan con una larga tradición de mujeres jefas de gobierno. Las principales causas que normalmente se atribuyen a la ausencia de mujeres en las esferas políticas son la existencia de sistemas electorales de tipo plurality y las resistencias a la adopción de cuotas. Esto último se ve afectado a su vez por determinadas actitudes políticas hacia la participación de la mujer en la vida pública y hacia determinadas concepciones de autoridad, presentes en los países de Asia. Estos elementos pueden afectar a la participación de las mujeres en política en general y a la participación de las mujeres en los puestos de toma de decisión en particular. Este estudio comparado analiza a través de un análisis estadístico el impacto de factores institucionales - propios del sistema electoral y del régimen político- socioeconómicos y de la posición de la mujer en diferentes Estados de Asia Pacífico, sobre la participación de las mujeres en la vida pública estos países.

[ES] La contienda política en los diversos escenarios institucionales puede estar caracterizada por tendencias centrípetas o centrífugas, es decir, orientada hacia el consenso o hacia la polarización. En este último caso, juegan un papel fundamental los clivajes, en tanto en cuanto son fracturas sociales estables, ante las cuales los individuos y colectivos se posicionan (Lipset y Rokkan: 1967). Así mismo, en gran parte de la literatura, se sostiene que esos posicionamientos ante los clivajes definen la ubicación ideológica en el eje izquierda-derecha, tanto de los individuos como de los grupos. En los diferentes países o escenarios esos posicionamientos pueden solaparse o no, de forma que generan ubicaciones ideológicas más o menos integradas y coherentes. La literatura sostiene que cuanto más solapados estén los clivajes, más probables serán las ideologías "totales" y, por ende, mayor será el riesgo de polarización política. Por último, para testar estas presunciones en el presente boletín se hará un estudio cross-national de las opiniones de los diputados latinoamericanos electos entre 2006 y 2008 de todos los países de América Latina del Proyecto Elites Latinoamericanas (PELA) de la Universidad de Salamanca. Algunos de los resultados serán contrastados con datos de legislaturas anteriores para ver cómo varía la dispersión ideológica de las Cámaras Bajas de América Latina así como, cuáles de las diversas fracturas son estables en el tiempo ; [EN] The political competition in different institutional settings can be characterized by centripetal or centrifugal tendencies, oriented toward consensus or polarization. In this case, the cleavages play a fundamental role, as long as social fractures are stable, to which individuals and groups are positioned (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967). Likewise, as in much of the literature, it is argued that these positions to define the location cleavages ideological left-right axis, both individuals and groups. In different countries or scenarios such positions may overlap or not, so ideological locations that generate more or less integrated and consistent. The literature states that the more overlapping cleavages are more likely to be the "total" ideologies and thus, the greater the risk of political polarization. Finally, to test these assumptions in this newsletter will become a cross-national study of American views of the Members elected between 2006 and 2008 in all countries of Latin America Latin American Elites Project (PELA), University of Salamanca. Some of the results will be contrasted with data from previous legislatures to see how varied ideological dispersion of the lower chambers as well as Latin America, which of the various fractures are stable over time

This paper aims to assess whether the Colombian Constitutional Court has had a transformative approach to transitional justice in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. Building upon previous literature on feminist approaches to transitional justice, we carry out a content analysis of all 37 Autos related to conflict-related sexual violence issued by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 2008 and 2016. In doing so, we delve into how the high court identifies perpetrators and survivors of sexual violence, the causes that lead to sexual violence during conflict and displacement, and the measures they propose to eradicate this crime. Overall, while we find that critical decisions are transformative in most of the analysed dimensions, there remains some room for improvement.

Previous studies have shown that displaced women suffer more sexual violence than other female populations in the world. In this article, it is analysed how this social problem is defined in Colombia and to what extent there is coherence between the causes identified and the preventive measures proposed to end it. Through N-Vivo software, we perform a content analysis of the judicial decrees issued by the Constitutional Court between 2008 and 2015 about the situation of internally displaced people within the context of the armed conflict. Findings suggest that, when addressing sexual violence, most judicial decrees identify armed actors as the main perpetrators of sexual violence and that when identifying risk factors, judicial decrees tend to stress the importance of the socio-demographic profile of the people attacked rather than the structural causes of the phenomena. Preventive measures are partially coherent with the diagnosis performed; however, some of them are not the most effective ones according to the specialized literature.

In recent years, there has been an increased academic interest revolving around the beneficial or pernicious effects of ideological extremity and (uncivil) political discussion over democracy. For instance, citizens' ideological predispositions and higher levels of political discussion have been linked with a more active and vibrant political life. In fact, ideological extremity and uncivil discussion foster institutionalized political engagement. However, less explored in the literature remains whether such polarization and uncivil discussions may be related to unlawful political behavior such as illegal protest. This study contends that one of the main drivers of illegal protest behavior lies in online uncivil political discussion, specifically through the normalization and activation of further incivility. We tested this through a two-wave panel data drawn from a diverse US sample and cross-sectional, lagged, and autoregressive regression models. Mediation analysis was also conducted to test whether uncivil online discussion mediated the relationship between frequency of online political discussion and illegal protest engagement. Overall, we found that illegal protest was particularly associated with online uncivil discussion, while ideological extremity and other forms of online and offline discussions seemed to have no effect on unlawful protest over time.

Prior research on individual-level drivers of protest has primarily focused on legal protest. However, less is known about what makes people engage in unlawful protest activities. Building upon previous literature on the collective action dilemma, socialization on violent and high-risk social movements, and political psychology, we expect that illegal protest frequency varies at different levels of authoritarianism. We explore the relationship between authoritarian values and illegal protest by analyzing a two-wave panel survey data gathered in the US. The results of cross-sectional, lagged, and autoregressive ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models show that when controlling for legal protest and other relevant variables in protest behavior, authoritarianism predicts illegal protest following an inverted U-shaped relationship. In other words, average levels of authoritarianism predict more frequent engagement in illegal protest, while this frequency decreases as approaching the poles of the authoritarianism scale.

In a world of polarized societies and radical voices hogging the public digital sphere, this thematic issue aims at identifying the different strategies of old and new social movements in the extremes of the political debates by focusing on the interplay between polarization, uses of the internet, and social activism. In order to disentangle these interactions, this thematic issue covers a wide range of political settings across the globe. It does so by studying: (a) how opposing activists discuss politics online and its implications for democratic theory; (b) how social media uses and online discussions foster offline protests; (c) how the media and state-led-propaganda frame disruptive and anti-government offline protests and how this situation contributes to polarization in both democratic and non-democratic regimes; and finally (d) how civil society uses digital tools to organize and mobilize around sensitive issues in non-democratic regimes.